The Listening Post

Over the past two months, thousands of people have taken to the streets of Bangladesh's capital city, Dhaka, demanding justice for all those involved in war crime tribunals. And the story is evolving into a battle about blasphemy. Like Pakistan and Egypt before it, Bangladesh's conflict pits Islamic fundamentalists against secular voices in the media. It is a difficult balancing act for Bangladeshi authorities who have been struggling to preserve freedom of speech as one side is accused of blasphemy and the other of inciting murder. To discuss the on-going internal conflict in Bangladesh we talk with: Syed Zain al Mahmood, editor of the Dhaka Tribune; Sabir Mustafa, editor at BBC Bengali Service; writer and journalist Gita Sahgal; and Dhaka-based journalist David Bergman.

Over the past two months, thousands of people have taken to the streets of Bangladesh's capital city, Dhaka, demanding justice for all those involved in war crime tribunals. And the story is evolving into a battle about blasphemy. Like Pakistan and Egypt before it, Bangladesh's conflict pits Islamic fundamentalists against secular voices in the media. It is a difficult balancing act for Bangladeshi authorities who have been struggling to preserve freedom of speech as one side is accused of blasphemy and the other of inciting murder. To discuss the on-going internal conflict in Bangladesh we talk with: Syed Zain al Mahmood, editor of the Dhaka Tribune; Sabir Mustafa, editor at BBC Bengali Service; writer and journalist Gita Sahgal; and Dhaka-based journalist David Bergman.

On 9 April 2003, less than a month after the US invasion of Iraq had begun, television screens around the world broadcast an event taking place in Firdos Square, at the centre of Baghdad. The footage showed a statue of Saddam Hussein being pulled down amidst a crowd of cheering Iraqis and triumphant American soldiers. The pictures fit neatly alongside the spin from the Bush White House - it symbolised the end of a war that in fact had only just begun. Since then analysts have theoriSed that the event was a classic example of military manipulation of the media, but the reality is much more complex. Ten years since that made for TV moment grabbed headlines around the world, we gO back to analyse the event, the media coverage of it and the symbolism of the pictures. The Listening Post's Nicholas Muirhead looks at the fall of Saddam Hussein's statue: Why did the story play out the way it did?

In Iraq, tensions have again flared up in a new wave of deadly attacks against political and sectarian targets. Iraqi media, especially outlets that speak to the Sunni minority, called it a crisis out of the government’s control. Then, when government forces loyal to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki killed 27 Sunni protesters, Iraq’s private media erupted with rage. Anger on the privately-owned airwaves spelled trouble for the government and Maliki’s response was to shut down 10 satellite TV stations – including Al Jazeera’s Arabic language channel – for propagating an "undisciplined media message". All but one of the channels are aligned with Sunni financial backers, and the government’s move is being seen as a crackdown on dissent by Maliki’s majority Shia government. In Iraq’s factionalised media landscape, who you are largely determines who you listen to. So for Maliki, silencing Sunni TV was nothing less than removing a weapon from the hands of his rivals. For the Sunni minority, Maliki’s move was just one more sign that their rights and interests are under attack. This week’s News Divide looks at both sides of the struggle. Speaking for the government is Ali Al-Shalah, the president of the Iraq Culture and Media Committee; assessing the government’s actions are Dahr Jamail, a producer for Al Jazeera English, Arab media analyst Nehad Ismail and Ammar Shahbander from the Institute of War and Peace Reporting.

In Iraq, tensions have again flared up in a new wave of deadly attacks against political and sectarian targets. Iraqi media, especially outlets that speak to the Sunni minority, called it a crisis out of the government’s control. Then, when government forces loyal to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki killed 27 Sunni protesters, Iraq’s private media erupted with rage. Anger on the privately-owned airwaves spelled trouble for the government and Maliki’s response was to shut down 10 satellite TV stations – including Al Jazeera’s Arabic language channel – for propagating an "undisciplined media message". All but one of the channels are aligned with Sunni financial backers, and the government’s move is being seen as a crackdown on dissent by Maliki’s majority Shia government. In Iraq’s factionalised media landscape, who you are largely determines who you listen to. So for Maliki, silencing Sunni TV was nothing less than removing a weapon from the hands of his rivals. For the Sunni minority, Maliki’s move was just one more sign that their rights and interests are under attack. This week’s News Divide looks at both sides of the struggle. Speaking for the government is Ali Al-Shalah, the president of the Iraq Culture and Media Committee; assessing the government’s actions are Dahr Jamail, a producer for Al Jazeera English, Arab media analyst Nehad Ismail and Ammar Shahbander from the Institute of War and Peace Reporting.

Here is a journalistic challenge: How does an American news operation get into North Korea, to the heart of Pyongyang, and get exclusive access to an enigmatic leader who is the central figure in a showdown with Washington over nuclear weapons? Easy. Just get a former basketball player who is covered in tattoos to go with you. And before you know it, Dennis Rodman and Kim Jong-un will be clinking glasses and your cameras will be there to cover the story. The company behind the stunt was a media outlet called Vice, and its exploits in Pyongyang - typical of its style - got world-wide coverage.

'As divisive in death as she was in office’ is a phrase that has frequently been repeated in the British media since former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's death on April 8. And nowhere was that more true than in their own coverage. Depending on where Britons get their news, Thatcher was either an 'Iron Lady' who rescued the UK and modernised its economy, or an elitist who looked down at the working classes and crippled British industry. Britain’s right-leaning press, many of which are owned by key Thatcher ally Rupert Murdoch, stood in her favour while the liberal press seized on the opportunity to criticise her policies and blame her for some of Britain’s current problems. To discuss the media legacy of Margaret Thatcher we are joined by: the Guardian’s Simon Jenkins; Peter Oborne from the Daily Telegraph; journalist Maggie Brown; and James Curran, a professor of communications at London’s Goldsmith’s university.

'As divisive in death as she was in office’ is a phrase that has frequently been repeated in the British media since former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's death on April 8. And nowhere was that more true than in their own coverage. Depending on where Britons get their news, Thatcher was either an 'Iron Lady' who rescued the UK and modernised its economy, or an elitist who looked down at the working classes and crippled British industry. Britain’s right-leaning press, many of which are owned by key Thatcher ally Rupert Murdoch, stood in her favour while the liberal press seized on the opportunity to criticise her policies and blame her for some of Britain’s current problems. To discuss the media legacy of Margaret Thatcher we are joined by: the Guardian’s Simon Jenkins; Peter Oborne from the Daily Telegraph; journalist Maggie Brown; and James Curran, a professor of communications at London’s Goldsmith’s university.

Although it has been more than two years since the fall of former President Hosni Mubarak, Egypt's revolution is still very much in motion. The rise of Mohamed Morsi has given the Muslim Brotherhood the voice it was denied for decades but there are those who see the president edging towards authoritarianism and who fear the creeping Islamisation of Egyptian politics and society. As the president's power has grown, so has the volume of critical voices in the media. One of those voices is that of Bassem Youssef whose wildly popular show satirising Egyptian politics has won comparisons with US presenter Jon Stewart's The Daily Show. Headline writers in Egypt have been focussing on Youssef's case after he was taken to court for insulting the president, denigrating Islam and undermining security. But the larger story is not about the Morsi government's definition of what is funny or not; it is about freedom of the media in the post-revolutionary era. Two years after the heady days of Tahrir Square, the Egyptian media space has changed drastically from what it was under Mubarak. But the question is: Is the journalism any better, any more free?

Although it has been more than two years since the fall of former President Hosni Mubarak, Egypt's revolution is still very much in motion. The rise of Mohamed Morsi has given the Muslim Brotherhood the voice it was denied for decades but there are those who see the president edging towards authoritarianism and who fear the creeping Islamisation of Egyptian politics and society. As the president's power has grown, so has the volume of critical voices in the media. One of those voices is that of Bassem Youssef whose wildly popular show satirising Egyptian politics has won comparisons with US presenter Jon Stewart's The Daily Show. Headline writers in Egypt have been focussing on Youssef's case after he was taken to court for insulting the president, denigrating Islam and undermining security. But the larger story is not about the Morsi government's definition of what is funny or not; it is about freedom of the media in the post-revolutionary era. Two years after the heady days of Tahrir Square, the Egyptian media space has changed drastically from what it was under Mubarak. But the question is: Is the journalism any better, any more free?

In the 1960’s, long before anybody ever updated their Facebook page, posted their whereabouts on Twitter, uploaded images on Youtube, or exposed government secrets on WikiLeaks, one man made a series of pronouncements about the changing media landscape that resonate with the internet world we live in today. You may have never heard of Marshall McLuhan, but you have probably heard his most widely quoted dictum: "The medium is the message." McLuhan was writing about the effects of the mass media on contemporary life and he was talking mostly about television. But his ideas had something of the prophetic – because in the tumult of today’s digital revolution, a lot of what McLuhan said has even more relevance now than it did then. In this edition of the Listening Post, we look at how to read today’s media landscape, with the help of McLuhan, speaking to us 50 years ago.

In the 1960’s, long before anybody ever updated their Facebook page, posted their whereabouts on Twitter, uploaded images on Youtube, or exposed government secrets on WikiLeaks, one man made a series of pronouncements about the changing media landscape that resonate with the internet world we live in today. You may have never heard of Marshall McLuhan, but you have probably heard his most widely quoted dictum: "The medium is the message." McLuhan was writing about the effects of the mass media on contemporary life and he was talking mostly about television. But his ideas had something of the prophetic – because in the tumult of today’s digital revolution, a lot of what McLuhan said has even more relevance now than it did then. In this edition of the Listening Post, we look at how to read today’s media landscape, with the help of McLuhan, speaking to us 50 years ago.

In the run up to last October's parliamentary elections, battle lines were drawn on ballots and on the airwaves. To analyse the political players, their media playthings and the channels that are still far too close to those who now hold power The Listening Post's Flo Phillips reports.

In the run up to last October's parliamentary elections, battle lines were drawn on ballots and on the airwaves. To analyse the political players, their media playthings and the channels that are still far too close to those who now hold power The Listening Post's Flo Phillips reports.

Is Ankara a a model for other governments in the region? Turkish journalists would argue that the opposite is true. The Listening Post's Flo Phillips reports from Istanbul on the red lines that restrict Turkish journalism, and are even starting to affect entertainment programmes on television.